Sublime

Margaret Canovan a bien résumé la position de ces auteurs libéraux des années 1950 : « avertis par les découvertes de la théorie des sociétés de masse, ils avaient peur des ravages que les masses pourraient causer si elles participaient en effet à la politique57 ». Elle aurait cependant pu préciser que cette peur du peuple n’est pas confinée aux

Where freedom is real, equality is the passion of the masses. Where equality is real, freedom is the passion of a small minority. Equality without freedom creates a more stable social pattern than freedom without equality.

If Perkins, the Progressive turned New Dealer, spent her life addressing problems left behind by Greeley’s Civil War generation—corporate power, exploited labor, political corruption, poverty—Rustin spent his battling injustices that the New Deal generation didn’t address: racism, segregation, and the threat of militarism to world peace. No one in

The political conditions of the Renaissance favoured individual development, but were unstable; the instability and the individualism were closely connected, as in ancient Greece. A stable social system is necessary, but every stable system hitherto devised has hampered the development of exceptional artistic or intellectual merit.

The oldest conflict in American politics is the one between individualism and centralism. Reagan changed the terms by inverting them: the descendants of Jefferson’s yeoman farmers, with their desire for independence, became sturdy car-company executives and investment bankers yearning to breathe free of big government. The heirs of Hamilton’s

Tocqueville remarks on this in Democracy in America. “An American,” he wrote, “cannot converse, but he can discuss, and his talk falls into a dissertation. He speaks to you as if he was addressing a meeting; and if he should chance to become warm in the discussion, he will say ‘Gentlemen’ to the person with whom he is conversing.”

What distinguished his jeremiad from many other conservative screeds was his argument that the greatest threat was posed not by a few “extremists of the left,” but rather by “perfectly respectable elements of society.” The real enemies, he suggested, were “the college campus, the pulpit, the media, the intellectual and literary journals, the arts