Sublime

La stratégie rhétorique de Cortney consiste à recadrer la question, faisant d’un problème économique une affaire de droits de l’homme. Il établit un lien entre le contrôle des capitaux et le droit en tant que tel de quitter un pays. Parce que « le droit de quitter un pays est, à toutes fins pratiques, dépourvu de sens si l’on n’a pas le droit d’emp

As for the institutional cycle, the solution that will emerge in the federal government is one in which its internal functioning will shift, with the rigidity of regulation giving way to the use of increasing judgment among decision makers, from the public on up. In addition, there will be a resurrection of local political systems that have as thei

cooperation at scale. The state, business, and civil society all have roles to play in creating the

The same should apply to capital, so that national companies are safe from takeovers by multinationals which strip assets by outsourcing operations, load debt onto balance sheets and further empower shareholders at the expense of workers, suppliers and the communities where businesses operate.

Each company is trying to figure out how to strategize, how much to invest, what the technology should be. In a case like that, it’s not at equilibrium.

Plusieurs d’entre elles correspondent au triptyque défini par Albert O. Hirschman dans Deux siècles de rhétorique réactionnaire109. La première d’entre elles est celle de l’effet pervers, avec la tentation d’en faire des politiques de l’emploi et de la croissance. La deuxième est celle de l’inanité, avec l’anathème de proposition « gadget ». La tro

. For those with faith in public policy, the city emerges as the main level for experimentation[287] in a world where the the state has shrunk from its role as a positive agent of change. That’s because most social innovations in history were first implemented at the local level, either by the authorities, by activists, or by individuals themselves