Under-appreciated fact: today’s Nobel is, in large part, given for formally introducing class struggle into mainstream theory and empirics of economic growth and political development.
Their models of democratization and much of their historical analysis is effectively an argument that in some places, historical circumstances drove bargaining power into the hands of merchants and other non elites, and this sometimes created virtuous cycles of democratization and development.
Under-appreciated fact: today’s Nobel is, in large part, given for formally introducing class struggle into mainstream theory and empirics of economic growth and political development. Their models of democratization and much of their historical analysis is effectively an argument that in some places, historical circumstances drove bargaining power into the hands of merchants and other non elites, and this sometimes created virtuous cycles of democratization and development.
The typical economist believes the world has not yet invented a problem that he cannot fix if given a free hand to design the proper incentive scheme.
Stephen J. Dubner • Freakonomics
Some groups increasingly monopolize the fruits of globalization, while billions are left behind.
Yuval Noah Harari • 21 Lessons for the 21st Century
The figure bears upon a long-standing controversy concerning the evolutionary role of ideas. The fount of social change, say many intellectual historians and cultural anthropologists, generally lies in the realm of ideas. By this logic, historical explanation ordinarily must begin with an account of what people were thinking. Other scholars, includ
... See moreTimur Kuran • Private Truths, Public Lies: The Social Consequences of Preference Falsification
Was there anything she could imagine that would convince them otherwise—that could inspire them to pursue a fairer system? “Revolution, maybe,” she said.
Anand Giridharadas • Winners Take All: The Elite Charade of Changing the World
But by the 1890s they embarked on an intellectual counteroffensive, proposing what Doukas and Durrenberger call, after an essay by Andrew Carnegie, a “Gospel of Wealth”: The fledgling corporate giants, their bankers, and their political allies objected to producerist moral claims and, starting in the 1890s, reached out with a new ideology that clai
... See moreDavid Graeber • Bullshit Jobs: A Theory
And finally, an obvious consequence of all four is accelerating inequality between those who do and do not own capital, who are and are not able to get to front of the queue for artificial finance, and who do and do not make malinvestments in their own human capital on false price signals.