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permanent settlements can become cultural self-constructed niches, where interdependence between humans and a set of technologies and rules of conduct become common to all and
Luis M. A. Bettencourt • Introduction to Urban Science: Evidence and Theory of Cities as Complex Systems
It is outside the home, in socioeconomic settings and through the experience and use of built spaces, that urban life becomes transformative.
Luis M. A. Bettencourt • Introduction to Urban Science: Evidence and Theory of Cities as Complex Systems
subsistence human society33
Luis M. A. Bettencourt • Introduction to Urban Science: Evidence and Theory of Cities as Complex Systems

many different professions there are in a large city like New York.
Luis M. A. Bettencourt • Introduction to Urban Science: Evidence and Theory of Cities as Complex Systems
people organize themselves over space so that they can visit each other or meet in public spaces by walking around.
Luis M. A. Bettencourt • Introduction to Urban Science: Evidence and Theory of Cities as Complex Systems
we have seen that general quantitative statements about human settlements are the result of very general statistical constraints—on the nature of social networks, the costs of energy, and of using space—that leave ample space for choice, human agency, and subjectivity at an individual scale and for culture at the collective level.
Luis M. A. Bettencourt • Introduction to Urban Science: Evidence and Theory of Cities as Complex Systems
The spatial patterns of neighborhoods within cities also produce gradual ways for individuals to enter the city’s fray (“arrival cities”
Luis M. A. Bettencourt • Introduction to Urban Science: Evidence and Theory of Cities as Complex Systems
This spatial selection can cause concentrated (dis)advantage, but it also produces different human ecologies within cities, where people can live different lives, with lower costs or with better services, or with neighbors they trust and support.