Sublime

Árbenz no dio su brazo a torcer: «Debemos escuchar todas las opiniones, a favor y en contra. Las críticas nos ayudarán a mejorarla».

On March 1, 1954, shortly after the UN’s decision, four nationalists entered the House of Representatives in Washington. They made their way to the upstairs gallery, unfurled a Puerto Rican flag, and shouted “¡Viva Puerto Rico Libre!” Then they pulled out pistols and fired twenty-nine rounds into the body politic below. It was, the Speaker of the H

The liberty of discourse must therefore be destroyed as well as the liberty of the press; this is the necessary term of your efforts; but if your object was to repress the abuses of liberty, they have brought you to the feet of a despot. You have been led from the extreme of independence to the extreme of subjection without meeting with a single te

fact, a poet named Luis Muñoz Marín sailed in from Greenwich Village and took the very seat that Albizu had worked for. Despite all the speeches, conferences, debates, campaigns, editorial columns, and lawsuits, the United States was not taking Albizu or his Nationalist Party very seriously. Everything changed with the sugar cane strike of 1934. Fr

Vito Marcantonio

He confirmed that the Treaty of Paris was essentially a real estate closing and a violation of international law with regard to Puerto Rico.13

ya puestos, que no hay mayor erudición que la que impone una pasión propia sin número de matrícula.

Árbenz nunca se consideró socialista y tomaba siempre con ironía los empeños de Fortuny de formarse intelectualmente leyendo a pensadores marxistas (libros que nunca encontraba en Guatemala y debía encargar a México, gastándose la plata que a duras penas le alcanzaba para comer) y de constituir en Guatemala, algún día, un partido comunista. Pero, l