Sublime

Anthony Drexel, of the long-established Philadelphia banking family, changing the firm to Drexel, Morgan & Co., with the older man again named first.

“Have the Texas delegation record its vote for Garner on the first ballot, and then before the result is announced switch to Roosevelt.” Rayburn declined. “We’ve got a lot of people up here from Texas who’ve never been to a convention before, and they’ve got to vote for Garner a few times. How many ballots can you hold your lines without breaking?”

During the first seven years of the postwar era, moreover, there had been a President in the White House who had been determined to harness that tide, a President who not only reiterated the requests of his predecessor, twice passed by the House but twice rejected by the Senate, for the creation of a permanent Fair Employment Practices Commission a

Lyndon Johnson had tried to buy a state, and, although he had paid the highest price in Texas history, he had failed. So now he was trying to steal it. The telephone calls were to local Johnson managers in thousands of precincts all across Texas. Some of the calls were to ask the managers to be vigilant against any Stevenson attempt to steal votes

Wilson made increasingly caustic comments about bankers. In June 1911, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, he told a cheering throng that “the greatest monopoly in this country is the money monopoly,” adding that “all of our [financial] activities are in the hands of a few men.”

THOUGH TRANQUILLITY DESCENDED BRIEFLY on Washington after Andrew Johnson’s acquittal, he disappointed Republicans who imagined he would prove more pliant on Reconstruction.

Humphrey organized liberal Democrats, and the few liberal Republicans, into rotating platoons so that only once during the entire filibuster were the liberals unable to muster a quorum. To respond on the floor to southern attacks on the substance of the bill, he appointed floor captains, each with a team of four or five senators under him, to defen