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With Roosevelt dead, Johnson went public with his change of allegiance. Because he had difficulty erasing the earlier pro-Roosevelt image that he had so painstakingly created, in 1947 he called in another friendly reporter, Tex Easley, to correct it, and after an exclusive interview with the Congressman, Easley wrote that while “People all over Tex
... See moreRobert A. Caro • The Path to Power: The Years of Lyndon Johnson I
Until 1957, in the Senate, as in the House, his record —by that time a twenty-year record—against civil rights had been consistent. And although in that year he oversaw the passage of a civil rights bill, many liberals had felt the compromises Johnson had engineered to get the bill through had gutted it of its effectiveness—a feeling that proved co
... See moreRobert A. Caro • Means of Ascent: The Years of Lyndon Johnson II
Joao Beraldo
@joao
than be slaves to market forces (Du Bois 1933b).
Jessica Gordon Nembhard • Collective Courage: A History of African American Cooperative Economic Thought and Practice
The son of a Labour minister, Serota studied economics and art history at Cambridge, then wrote his master’s thesis on the painter J.M.W. Turner (the prize’s eponym) at the Courtauld Institute of Art. He joined the Tate in 1988, when it was little more than a fine outpost of national heritage, and he now presides over an empire of four museums—Tate
... See moreSarah Thornton • Seven Days in the Art World
Barry George
@ikennaahamz
Johnson’s voting record—a record twenty years long, dating back to his arrival in the House of Representatives in 1937 and continuing up to that very day—was consistent with the accent and the word. During those twenty years, he had never supported civil rights legislation—any civil rights legislation.
Robert A. Caro • Master of the Senate: The Years of Lyndon Johnson III
Asked by a reporter whether Church’s addendum would strip away any of the Republican votes, the Republican Leader said he thought not. That morning, copies of the brotherhoods’ telegram were delivered to the offices of individual senators, to be followed by visits from Cy Anderson and other union lobbyists. Pastore’s logic had had time to sink in.
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